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The Parade

Laleh Khadivi
June 26, 2005

Neighborhood women pulled stools and sitting room seats up to windowsills in preparation. They licked salt sweat off their lips, adjusted scarves around heads, massaged arthritic hands and waited. Girls gathered around them, giggling, pulling hair, anticipating. Men and boys loitered outside, on driveways in front of gates with cigarettes and stones, respectively. Ivy, bougainvillea and jasmine draped the weights of their flesh from the high marble walls blocking neighbor from neighbor, street from home. All comings and goings paused; only the used water, draining down descended stone ditches on each side of the street, moved. Just before noon, just before prayer, before lunch and nap, Abadaan Street quivered deliriously in the gaseous heat of midday, subsumed by stillness. The residents stood at the ends of their properties, pulled like magnets of audacious curiosity: the attraction of positive to negative. Here, a curtain swept aside to reveal a face or two; a servant's eyeball, there, pushed up against the hole in the concrete washroom wall; everywhere, children's toothless mouths gumming windowsills. All of Abadaan Street, but for the rivulets, draining off to some unknown stream, paused as one, to watch the parade death made.

The young boys, who played on the cobblestones of Abadaan Street every afternoon with beaten-up balls or kites, knew first. Slowly fathers and old men heard the news at smoky teahouses. Before eating the evening's sofre, they told their wives, and the listening daughters heard. Mohammed Reza, the old man down the street, died last week. "So what?" thought the daughters, for girls' lives existed only within the walls of the house. "Interesting," thought the mothers and grandmothers chewing on the news. Fathers and grandfathers sighed, thinking of death's inescapability, "Will I be next?" "Pass it to me! Here! Here!" The boys went back to playing in the street, unaware.

Mohammed Reza: the old man with the family, neighbor of many years, the man with the limp and occasionally the cane, the owner of the only bookstore that sold foreign books in Tehran's bazaar, a respectable bookseller (everyone assumed from the brown suit he wore and the hat donned every morning and carried home each afternoon), the man with the wave and the smile, the man without words, the man down the way, across the street, next door, the man with the light-eyed sons and fabled daughters -- the oldest of whom he sent to school and the youngest harboring a beauty only whispered about: an unremarkable man never associated with cause or calamity. Even in death it was impossible to fatten his gaunt, lifeless frame by suspicion or suspense. Aside from educating his oldest daughter at the Armenian school, none of his acts called for inquiry, his wife met the meat and milkmen every afternoon with a shawl tightly wrapped about her head. So on the morning of his burial they gathered, these view-hungry neighbors and non-friends, not to see Mohammed Reza, nor spit upon his passing grave, nor grieve the loss of an otherwise unknown neighbor, but for a clear view: of the tragedy of death, the moving feast of sadness that belonged to someone else, the slow exposition of grief. And for a glimpse of the daughters, a drop of liquid gossip to replenish their well of whispers long since dry.

At their evening washings, with a slathered hand across a bony shoulder, a supple slippery haunch, questions were asked. Mothers probed sons for information. Beauty on Abadaan Street was one thing, a common thing, even, but the word was out that Mohammad Reza's daughter flaunted an exquisiteness of the dangerous sort. So how old is she? What color are her eyes? Will she go to school, too? The boys, wet, with bubbles of the day's street dirt floating off them, held back, pretending to know more than they did. Mohammed Reza's sons, 14 and 12, played in the street occasionally, when they weren't studying, and the network of playing boys caught their offhand words: "She's got men calling already." "We can't wait until she's gone, she doesn't do anything around the house, thinks she's too good." "Baba spoils her." The games would continue, the boys ignoring the brotherly complaints. Only at home, with a piece of honey candy dangled in front of them by the fat fingers of their tired mother, did they associate worth with information. "She's 9," eyes glazed, "she doesn't do any work," mouth watering, "her eyes are blue," snatch, unwrap, suck, "ywess" (mouth full), "zzthey are bluuu."

All for this day, with their knees pressed up against the area beneath the window (they couldn't get any closer), brazenly staring out onto the street. Searching other head-filled windows for recognizable faces and seeing only silhouettes. Hoping only silhouettes of them would be seen. Mothers and fathers alike gathered, pushed out of their own dark secrets to watch Mohammed Reza's family march and weep behind him, thinking about their own deaths in passing, and inshallah, catching a glimpse of the salacious; the tragedy; the menace of beauty. They sat reassured, waiting; the little girls tying each other's hair into knots, the men cautiously not smoking the last cigarette in the pack, the boys bemoaning the emptiness of their street. For while all else went into the wrought iron gates and high walls of the houses on Abadaan Street -- love, deceit, comfort, beatings, caresses (illicit and maternal), revelation, disgust, devotion, misery -- only death came out.

Ali Akbar sat on the balcony protruding elegantly above the garden of his house, knifing out the dried secretions and dead skin crusted underneath his fingernails from last night's harem girl. "Dirty whore, my hands are filthy, and for what? Next time I'll get my money's worth and give her a little something to remember ..." His thoughts trailed and a shower of flakes and follicles snowed like builder's dust onto the ground near his feet. Pausing to sip his tea, he noticed an unusual amount of activity in the second-story windows and front gardens of the houses on Abadaan Street. Curtains pulled aside and silhouettes shifted in the window frames; men and boys caged behind the gates of their houses, pacing. The street itself was empty, usual for mid- morning. Ali Akbar mimicked the street, sitting without movement, the demitasse poised at his lips, striking a pensive pose equal to any of the elegant V-neck-clad men he'd seen in European magazines. He was reminded again of last night's whore. He put the tea down and dug beneath his fingernails, ignoring the street's sizzling murmur.

Abadaan Street ignored Ali Akbar as well. The wealthy 45-year-old rug merchant who gave the boys their first smell of European aftershave, took such good care of his mother and father, came home every day at the same time with a newspaper and a bag of groceries for the cook, was, like his recently dead neighbor, an unfaultable man. True, he was a little old not to have been married at least once. But he was a man and time was his to take.

Without sons, or a nosy wife, Ali Akbar was not privy to the information of Mohammed Reza's death. Or the news of the two daughters he left behind, one more beautiful than the porcelain head of a European doll. So when the screaming started at the end of the street, Ali Akbar flinched, piercing himself in the space between finger and nail. "Mother of a dog." He shook his hands and drops of blood fell from the finger: a liquid point.

She pounded her chest with a rhythm Ali Akbar found appealing. With each step she fired out a fist, retracted it and released a wail. He stood up and watched, pulled to the procession like all the other eyes on Abadaan Street. Leaning his pelvis against the bar of the balcony he rubbed himself on the metal banister, a not-quite arousal, something to be seen, what is it? What is it? He scanned the street below. Not the coffin, a formality of transport to be abandoned at the rim of whatever hole the poor bastard would fill. Not the pallbearers, the sons and uncles of death marching in small steps, their mustaches and eyelids drawn down by the weight of honor, careful to shoulder their duty with manly faces of un-grief. It was not the widow, with her screeching sobs and one drum rhythm of grief (though her sharp blue eyes did call to something in him, she was old, tears streaking down her elastic face). Ali Akbar continued pushing his pelvis up against the bar, arousing not so much a feeling of stimulation as of curious assurance. Something good is coming. Something good. At the end of the formal procession, last to leave the gates of Mohammed Reza's house, came the girls. Covered, but for their downturned faces and their clasped hands. Aha, Ali Akbar swayed his hips back and forth, never once losing contact with the bar. Aha.

A taller and a shorter. This much everyone expected. A young and an old. The veils were not as much a surprise as a disappointment. Old women began to rely on the experience of age, interpreting a swagger and analyzing a gait. The younger women, mothers and daughters, used expert eyes to gauge weight through the black draperies falling around round heads, across one set of sharp shoulders and one set of curved shoulders, down one chest of formidable femininity and another of gaunt girlishness. The men with their street-level views left the scrutiny aside and waited patiently. Their vantage point would bring them a clear view. Be it the slant of a nose, a lid of lashes falling on a cheek, or even an open-eyed stare, their position afforded them a look. Everyone on Abadaan Street itched in anticipation for those first few minutes, forgetting the dead, swaying to the beat of the widow's death drum and freezing with the fall of the youngest girl's shawl.

From her head to her shoulders the loose head shawl dropped. Quickly the older sister pulled it back up. Quickly the youngest tugged it down. Shaking her hair out from its confines, pushing it away from her eyes, getting a clear view of the street she had never seen.

At 7, Ali Akbar's mother opened a door in him that led to an empty room. She placed him between her legs and showed him the scar of his birth. Her gentle eyes begged him to touch it, to place an unused child's finger on the wound. With contact, a history of pain flashed before his eyes: the pain his slick oblong body caused her, the pain his father had caused and the pain of herself. Into his mother's gentle eyes he smiled, delighted. Into every whore and harem girl since he has probed for pain. He lived without compassion, but not without curiosity; making a point, as of late, to seek out the youngest girls, the ones without histories of pain, for a different experience, a push into an interior landscape not yet charred; verdant, and unscarred. Gazing down at the dead man's youngest daughter as she, unsheathed, illuminated the street, Ali Akbar pulsed toward the purity in her. He saw a blank canvas, a place where he would leave the first mark. The original stroke in a lifetime's shape of pain.

Laleh Khadivi is a master's of fine arts student in creative writing at Mills College. "The Parade" is an excerpt from a work in progress that takes place in Iran in the 1940s and '50s. She lives in Oakland.

San Francisco Chronicle

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The Death of the Moth and other essays

Virginia Woolf


THOUGHTS ON PEACE IN AN AIR RAID [22]

[22] Written in August 1940, for an American symposium on current matters concerning women.

The Germans were over this house last night and the night before that. Here they are again. It is a queer experience, lying in the dark and listening to the zoom of a hornet which may at any moment sting you to death. It is a sound that interrupts cool and consecutive thinking about peace. Yet it is a sound‹far more than prayers and anthems‹that should compel one to think about peace. Unless we can think peace into existence we‹­not this one body in this one bed but millions of bodies yet to be born‹will lie in the same darkness and hear the same death rattle overhead. Let us think what we can do to create the only efficient air­raid shelter while the guns on the hill go pop pop pop and the searchlights finger the clouds and now and then, sometimes close at hand, sometimes far away, a bomb drops.

Up there in the sky young Englishmen and young German men are fighting each other. The defenders are men, the attackers are men. Arms are not given to Englishwomen either to fight the enemy or to defend herself. She must lie weaponless to­night. Yet if she believes that the fight going on up in the sky is a fight by the English to protect freedom, by the Germans to destroy freedom, she must fight, so far as she can, on the side of the English. How far can she fight for freedom without firearms? By making arms, or clothes or food. But there is another way of fighting for freedom without arms; we can fight with the mind. We can make ideas that will help the young Englishman who is fighting up in the sky to defeat the enemy.

But to make ideas effective, we must be able to fire them off. We must put them into action. And the hornet in the sky rouses another hornet in the mind. There was one zooming in THE TIMES this moming‹a woman¹s voice saying, ³Women have not a word to say in politics.² There is no woman in the Cabinet; nor in any responsible post. All the idea makers who are in a position to make ideas effective are men. That is a thought that damps thinking, and encourages irresponsibility. Why not bury the head in the pillow, plug the ears, and cease this futile activity of idea­making? Because there are other tables besides officer tables and conference tables. Are we not leaving the young Englishman without a weapon that might be of value to him if we give up private thinking, tea­table thinking, because it seems useless? Are we not stressing our disability because our ability exposes us perhaps to abuse, perhaps to contempt? ³I will not cease from mental fight,² Blake wrote. Mental fight means thinking against the current, not with it.

That current flows fast and furious. It issues in a spate of words from the loudspeakers and the politicians. Every day they tell us that we are a free people, fighting to defend freedom. That is the current that has whirled the young airman up into the sky and keeps him circling there among the clouds. Down here, with a roof to cover us and a gas mask handy, it is our business to puncture gas bags and discover seeds of truth. It is not true that we are free. We are both prisoners to­night‹he boxed up in his machine with a gun handy; we lying in the dark with a gas mask handy. If we were free we should be out in the open, dancing, at the play, or sitting at the window talking together. What is it that prevents us? ³Hitler!² the loudspeakers cry with one voice. Who is Hitler? What is he? Aggressiveness, tyranny, the insane love of power made manifest, they reply. Destroy that, and you will be free.

The drone of the planes is now like the sawing of a branch overhead. Round and round it goes, sawing and sawing at a branch directly above the house. Another sound begins sawing its way in the brain. ³Women of ability²‹it was Lady Astor speaking in THE TIMES this morning‹³are held down because of a subconscious Hitlerism in the hearts of men.² Certainly we are held down. We are equally prisoners tonight‹the Englishmen in their planes, the Englishwomen in their beds. But if he stops to think he may be killed; and we too. So let us think for him. Let us try to drag up into consciousness the subconscious Hitlerism that holds us down. It is the desire for aggression; the desire to dominate and enslave. Even in the darkness we can see that made visible. We can see shop windows blazing; and women gazing; painted women; dressed­up women; women with crimson lips and crimson fingernails. They are slaves who are trying to enslave. If we could free ourselves from slavery we should free men from tyranny. Hitlers are bred by slaves.

A bomb drops. All the windows rattle. The anti­aircraft guns are getting active. Up there on the hill under a net tagged with strips of green and brown stuff to imitate the hues of autumn leaves, guns are concealed. Now they all fire at once. On the nine o¹clock radio we shall be told ³Forty­four enemy planes were shot down during the night, ten of them by anti­aircraft fire.² And one of the terms of peace, the loudspeakers say, is to be disarmament. There are to be no more guns, no army, no navy, no air force in the future. No more young men will be trained to fight with arms. That rouses another mind­hornet in the chambers of the brain‹another quotation. ³To fight against a real enemy, to earn undying honour and glory by shooting total strangers, and to come home with my breast covered with medals and decorations, that was the summit of my hope. . . . It was for this that my whole life so far had been dedicated, my education, training, everything. . . .²

Those were the words of a young Englishman who fought in the last war. In the face of them, do the current thinkers honestly believe that by writing ³Disarmament² on a sheet of paper at a conference table they will have done all that is needful? Othello¹s occupation will be gone; but he will remain Othello. The young airman up in the sky is driven not only by the voices of loudspeakers; he is driven by voices in himself‹ancient instincts, instincts fostered and cherished by education and tradition. Is he to be blamed for those instincts? Could we switch off the maternal instinct at the command of a table full of politicians? Suppose that imperative among the peace terms was: ³Child­bearing is to be restricted to a very small class of specially selected women,² would we submit? Should we not say, ³The maternal instinct is a woman¹s glory. It was for this that my whole life has been dedicated, my education, training, everything. . . .² But if it were necessary. for the sake of humanity, for the peace of the world, that childbearing should be restricted, the maternal instinct subdued, women would attempt it. Men would help them. They would honour them for their refusal to bear children. They would give them other openings for their creative power. That too must make part of our fight for freedom. We must help the young Englishmen to root out from themselves the love of medals and decorations. We must create more honourable activities for those who try to conquer in themselves their fighting instinct, their subconscious Hitlerism. We must compensate the man for the loss of his gun.

The sound of sawing overhead has increased. All the searchlights are erect. They point at a spot exactly above this roof. At any moment a bomb may fall on this very room. One, two, three, four, five, six . . . the seconds pass. The bomb did not fall. But during those seconds of suspense all thinking stopped. All feeling, save one dull dread, ceased. A nail fixed the whole being to one hard board. The emotion of fear and of hate is therefore sterile, unfertile. Directly that fear passes, the mind reaches out and instinctively revives itself by trying to create. Since the room is dark it can create only from memory. It reaches out to the memory of other Augusts‹in Bayreuth, listening to Wagner; in Rome, walking over the Campagna; in London. Friends¹ voices come back. Scraps of poetry return. Each of those thoughts, even in memory, was far more positive, reviving, healing and creative than the dull dread made of fear and hate. Therefore if we are to compensate the young man for the loss of his glory and of his gun, we must give him access to the creative feelings. We must make happiness. We must free him from the machine. We must bring him out of his prison into the open air. But what is the use of freeing the young Englishman if the young German and the young Italian remain slaves?

The searchlights, wavering across the flat, have picked up the plane now. From this window one can see a little silver insect turning and twisting in the light. The guns go pop pop pop. Then they cease. Probably the raider was brought down behind the hill. One of the pilots landed safe in a field near here the other day. He said to his captors, speaking fairly good English, ³How glad I am that the fight is over!² Then an Englishman gave him a cigarette, and an Englishwoman made him a cup of tea. That would seem to show that if you can free the man from the machine, the seed does not fall upon altogether stony ground. The seed may be fertile.

At last all the guns have stopped firing. All the searchlights have been extinguished. The natural darkness of a summer¹s night returns. The innocent sounds of the country are heard again. An apple thuds to the ground. An owl hoots, winging its way from tree to tree. And some half­forgotten words of an old English writer come to mind: ³The huntsmen are up in America. . . .² Let us send these fragmentary notes to the huntsmen who are up in America, to the men and women whose sleep has not yet been broken by machine­gun fire, in the belief that they will rethink them generously and charitably, perhaps shape them into something serviceable. And now, in the shadowed half of the world, to sleep.

THE END

Submitted by Mary Emerson-Smith

"Are women now insiders on the war?"
~~ Reflection on Virginia Woolf

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The Grinch Revisited
(with thanks to Dr. Seuss)

The Whos down in Whoville liked this country a lot,
But the Grinch in the White House most certainly did not.
He didn't arrive there by the will of the Whos,
But stole the election that he really did lose.
Vowed to "rule from the middle," then installed his regime.
(Did this really happen or is it just a bad dream?)

He didn't listen to voters, just his friends he was pleasin'
Now, please don't ask why, no one quite knows the reason.
It could be his heart wasn't working just right.
It could be, perhaps, that he wasn't too bright.
But I think that the most likely reason of all,
Is that both brain and heart were two sizes too small.
In times of great turmoil, this was bad news,
To have a government that ignores its Whos.

But the Whos shrugged their shoulders, went on with their work,
Their duties as citizens so casually did shirk.
They shopped at the mall and watched their T.V.
They drove their gas guzzling big S.U.V.
Oblivious to what was going on in D.C.
Ignoring the threats to democracy.
They read the same papers that ran the same leads,
Reporting what only served corporate needs.
(For the policies affecting the lives of all nations
Were made by the giant U.S. Corporations.)
Big business grew fatter, fed by its own greed,
And by people who shopped for the things they didn't need.

But amidst all the apathy came signs of unrest,
The Whos came to see we were fouling our nest.
And the people who cared for the ideals of this nation
Began to discuss and exchange information.
The things they couldn't read in the corporate-owned news
Of FTAA meetings and CIA coups.
Of drilling for oil and restricting rights.
They published some books, created Websites
Began to write letters and use their e-mail
(Though Homeland Security might send them to jail!)

What began as a whisper soon grew to a roar,
These things going on they could no longer ignore.
They started to rise up and fight City Hall
Let their voices be heard, they rose to the call,
To vote, to petition, to gather, dissent,
To question the policies of the "President."

As greed gained in power and power knew no shame
The Whos came together, sang "Not in our name!"
One by one from their sleep and their slumber they woke
The old and the young, all kinds of folk,
The black, brown and white, the gay, bi- and straight,
All united to sing, "Feed our hope, not our hate!
Stop stockpiling weapons and aiming for war!
Stop feeding the rich, start feeding the poor!
Stop storming the deserts to fuel SUV's!
Stop telling us lies on the mainstream T.V.'s!
Stop treating our children as a market to sack!
Stop feeding them Barney, Barbie and Big Mac!
Stop trying to addict them to lifelong consuming,
In a time when severe global warming is looming!
Stop sanctions that are killing the kids in Iraq!
Start dealing with ours that are strung out on crack!"

A mighty sound started to rise and to grow,
"The old way of thinking simply must go!
Enough of God versus Allah, Muslim vs. Jew
With what lies ahead, it simply won't do.
No American dream that cares only for wealth
Ignoring the need for community health.
The rivers and forests are demanding their pay,
If we're to survive, we must walk a new way.
No more excessive and mindless consumption
Let's sharpen our minds and garner our gumption.
For the ideas are simple, but the practice is hard,
And not to be won by a poem on a card.
It needs the ideas and the acts of each Who,
So let's get together and plan what to do!"

And so they all gathered from all 'round the Earth
And from it all came a miraculous birth.
The hearts and the minds of the Whos they did grow
Three sizes to fit what they felt and they know.
While the Grinches they shrank from their hate and their greed,
Bearing the weight of their every foul deed.

From that day onward the standard of wealth,
Was whatever fed the Whos' spiritual health.
They gathered together to revel and feast,
And thanked all who worked to conquer their beast.
For although our story pits Grinches 'gainst Whos,
The true battle lies in what we daily choose.
For inside each Grinch is a tiny small Who,
And inside each Who is a tiny Grinch too.
One thrives on love and one thrives on greed.
Who will win out? It depends who you feed!

©2002 Doug Goodkin

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The Message of the Sunflowers:
a Magic Symbol of Peace

By Georgianna Moore
1927-2002

Once upon a time the earth was even more beautiful than it is today. The water was pure and deep, reflecting within itself the sunlight which gave life to all the creatures beneath the waves.

The earth was green with many kinds of trees and plants. These gave food and shelter to the birds, the animals, and to all mankind. At night the air was so clear that the starlight gave a glow almost as bright as the moon.

The people of the earth lived close to nature. They understood it and honored it and never took more than what they needed from it. The people lived in peace so they prospered and began to build many nations all around the world according to nature's climate.

But one day, a terrible thing happened. A strange spirit of greed entered the hearts of mankind. People began to be jealous of one another, and they were not satisfied with all the good things they already had. The nations wanted more and more of everything: more land, more water, more resources. They squeezed precious minerals from the earth to build terrible weapons to defend their nations from other greedier nations. They killed one another. They polluted the air and the water with poisons. Nature began to die. This is called war. War is ugly. It destroys love and hope and peace.

Then one day a magical thing occurred. The birds of the air, the animals of the land, and the creatures beneath the waters came to an agreement: if they were to survive, something would have to be done to stop these wars. Only through peace could their world survive.

"We cannot speak the human language," they declared, "and mankind can no longer understand ours. We must find among us a symbol of peace so brilliant that all who see it will stop and remember that peace and sharing is beautiful."

"I am what you need," said a golden sunflower. "I am tall and bright. My leaves are food for the animals, my yellow petals can turn plain cloth to gold, my seeds are many and are used for food by all living beings. Yet, the seeds I drop upon the ground can take root and I will grow again and again. I can be your symbol of peace."

All nature rejoiced, and it was decided that the birds would each take one sunflower seed and that they would fly over every nation and plant the seed in the earth as a gift. The seeds took root and grew, and the sunflowers multiplied.

Wherever the sunflowers grew, there seemed to be a special golden glow in the air. The people could not ignore such a magical sight.

Soon they began to understand the message of the sunflowers so they decided to destroy all of their terrible weapons and to put an end to the greed and to the fear of war. They chose the sunflower as a symbol of peace and new life for all the world to recognize and understand.

A ceremony was celebrated by planting a whole field of sunflowers. Artists painted pictures of the sunflowers, writers wrote about them, and the people of the world were asked to plant more sunflowers seeds as a symbol of remembrance.

All nature rejoiced once more as the golden sunflowers stood tall with their faces turned eastward to the rising sun, then following the sun until it sets in the west.

They gave their goodness to the world so that everyone who sees a sunflower will know that the golden light of peace is beautiful.

Sunflower Project

Georgianna Moore's story has just been published in a book, "Hope In a Dark Time: Reflections on Humanity's Future," edited by David Krieger, President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, with foreword by Archbishop Tutu. It is on amazon.com now.

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Does the statement, "We've always done it that way" ring any bells...?

The US standard railroad gauge (distance between the rails) is 4 feet, 8.5
inches. That's an exceedingly odd number.

Why was that gauge used?
Because that's the way they built them in England, and English expatriates
built the US Railroads.

Why did the English build them like that?
Because the first rail lines were built by the same people who built the
pre-railroad tramways, and that's the gauge they used.

Why did "they" use that gauge then?
Because the people who built the tramways used the same jigs and tools
that they used for building wagons, which used that wheel spacing.

Okay! Why did the wagons have that particular odd wheel spacing?
Well, if they tried to use any other spacing, the wagon wheels would break
on some of the old, long distance roads in England, because that's the
spacing of the wheel ruts.

So who built those old rutted roads?
Imperial Rome built the first long distance roads in Europe (and England)
for their legions. The roads have been used ever since.

And the ruts in the roads?
Roman war chariots formed the initial ruts, which everyone else had to
match for fear of destroying their wagon wheels. Since the chariots were
made for Imperial Rome, they were all alike in the matter of wheel spacing.

The United States standard railroad gauge of 4 feet, 8.5 inches is derived
from the original specifications for an Imperial Roman war chariot. And
bureaucracies live forever.

So the next time you are handed a spec and told we have always done it that
way and wonder what horse's ass came up with that, you may be exactly
right, because the Imperial Roman war chariots were made just wide enough
to accommodate the back ends of two war horses.

Now the twist to the story...
When you see a Space Shuttle sitting on its launch pad, there are two big
booster rockets attached to the sides of the main fuel tank. These are solid
rocket boosters, or SRBs. The SRBs are made by Thiokol at their factory
in Utah. The engineers who designed the SRBs would have preferred to make
them a bit fatter, but the SRBs had to be shipped by train from the factory to
the launch site.

The railroad line from the factory happens to run through a tunnel in the
mountains. The SRBs had to fit through that tunnel. The tunnel is slightly
wider than the railroad track, and the railroad track, as you now know,
is about as wide as two horses' behinds.

So, a major Space Shuttle design feature of what is arguably the world's
most advanced transportation system was determined over two thousand
years ago by the width of a Horse's ass.

And you thought being a horse's ass wasn't important ??

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A parable for our times

A man approached the gate of an unfamiliar city. As he reached
the gate a magician standing there said "Wait! You shouldn't go in
there without a weapon! Demons lurk there!"

The man said "I need no weapon and have nothing to do with demons."

The magician drew a sword from the sheath he held; as he drew it
a frightful demon appeared, but the magician was able to kill it with
the sword.

"Now will you take a weapon!?", he said, but the man still refused.

"Are you blind!?", said the magician, "Do you see the sword
I drew killed the demon?"

"Are you blind?" the man responded, "Do you not see that the sword
you drew created the demon?"

And he walked on into the city, armed only with the clarityof his mind
and being.

(Adapted from Leonard Jacobson)         

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The bonds of friendship in a bitter war

In a year of unspeakable horror, Israeli and Palestinian teens
join in a Maine refuge to seek a path toward peace

Israeli Liav Harel expresses joy to a Palestinian partner in an exercise that teaches how to share emotions without words
Photo: Melanie Stetson Freeman

By Amanda Paulson
8/15/2002

OTISFIELD, MAINE – In the end, Ariel Tal came back and Saja Abuhigleh stayed.

Simple acts, perhaps. But also acts of courage and hope at this wooded Maine camp, a refuge from the devastating daily violence of the Middle East, a place where teenagers from Israel and Palestine meet in an effort to find solutions rather than propagate hatred.

Ariel had twice before attended Seeds of Peace, as the camp is named. But that was before a suicide bomber in Jerusalem last December blew up his friend just 20 feet from the ice cream store where Ariel was sprinkling jimmies onto a cone. Had he not lingered a few seconds, he knew, it could have been his funeral for which the neighborhood turned out.

Amid the carnage, he looked down and realized he was wearing his green Seeds of Peace sweatshirt. "I got really confused," Ariel says. "I didn't know what I was looking for here, and why I was chasing it so hard."

Even before arriving for her first year at camp, Saja had her doubts about sharing a bunkhouse and breaking bread with Israelis. On her second day, she called home and learned Israeli soldiers had occupied Ramallah, her hometown. They had detained her great-uncle's son and struck the elderly man when he asked why.

"When [my family] told me, I started crying, and I said, 'I want to go to my home in Palestine right now! I can't stay here,' " Saja says, stumbling over her words in the rush to get them out.

But Saja stayed and Ariel shed short-lived thoughts of vengeance and came back, one of the small group of returning campers who offer support and mentoring to new arrivals each year.

Their experiences, however, attest to the challenges facing a camp that some call naively idealistic and others see as the only sane response to a world situation that seems to have lost all reason. Journalist John Wallach founded Seeds of Peace in 1993, prompted in part by the first bombing of the World Trade Center. He invited 46 teenagers that year, hoping to teach young people from this bitterly divided region how to listen to one another.

But the camp has never faced a summer quite like this one. Working for peace in the Middle East has always been a courageous choice. Doing it amid the horrific violence of the current intifada, and Israel's brutal backlash, is practically inconceivable. It is a violence that has become personal, even for teenagers, even for children.

And if the camp is to succeed – if the three weeks teenagers from each side spend laughing, arguing, and living together is to mean anything – it is a violence they somehow must find the strength to look beyond.

Getting acquainted

On June 24 – the same day President Bush called for the ouster of Yasser Arafat in a much-anticipated Middle East policy speech – 166 teenagers arrived at this sleepy lakeside retreat 30 miles northwest of Portland, where only the names of the campers and the constant presence of police cars at the gate indicate that this is any different from the dozens of other camps nearby.

Almost all the campers are sponsored by Seeds of Peace; all went through a lengthy, competitive application process to get here, and all were selected by their education ministries in part for their potential to lead.

Their mission: to get to know one another as individuals rather than as the enemy, in a place removed from the hatred back home. Though Seeds of Peace has expanded over its first decade – it now accepts young people from other regions of conflict and has established a year-round Center for Coexistence in Jerusalem – it still rests on the same simple premise: that interaction breeds understanding.

You don't have to like each other, camp director Tim Wilson reminds the campers at the opening ceremony – just recognize that each individual is a human being deserving of respect.

"You can go home, and yes, there are things there we have no control over," Mr. Wilson tells them. "But here, we do have control. You have the right to sit down and talk to someone you normally would not talk to."

The campers listen eagerly, applauding vigorously. When it comes time to sing the Seeds of Peace song, they belt it out: "People of peace, rejoice, rejoice/ For we have united into one voice...."

When the gathering ends, however, they cluster with others like them, finding comfort in a shared language and traditions. It takes a few days, or more, says Wilson, before many start branching out. When he sees girls from different sides "sitting around talking about P. Diddy," or boys discussing the World Cup, he knows they've reached common ground.

The camp is designed for informal interaction. Six to nine campers, grouped by conflict region, share each of the well-kept bunkhouses that line the shore of Pleasant Lake. Campers eat with a second group and join a third for the daily 90-minute "coexistence session." With this third group, they also play sports and participate in activities intended to build cooperation and trust, from a ropes course to a dance exercise in which they mimic each other's movements.

One of this year's new campers is Sami Habash, an articulate, blond Palestinian from Jerusalem who plans to attend Israel's prestigious Hebrew University next year although he's only 16. An intense young man, he's pleased to be in an environment where everyone wants peace. But his first interest is in scoring political points.

"I want to tell [the Israelis] that we don't have water at night. I go up to drink, and no water." During debate, Sami hopes "to see Israelis themselves freely admitting their country's mistakes."

Adar Ziegel, an Israeli from Haifa who for as long as she can remember has dreamed of being her country's prime minister, has less formulated plans. She's heard great things about the camp from her boyfriend and is excited to see whether teens on opposite sides of the checkpoints can find solutions.

Adar shares her bunkhouse and her coexistence session with Saja. Sami will be in a coexistence session with Ariel. The Monitor chose to focus on these four teens – two Israelis and two Palestinians – to gain some insight into the small triumphs, epiphanies, and setbacks that occur in these weeks of typical camp fun mixed with not-so-typical discussion and debate.

All four arrived with hope, but also a degree of skepticism – their homeland, after all, is in tatters. Saja, who has never met an Israeli before, came armed with photos, downloaded from the Internet, that graphically portray Israeli soldiers' abuse of Palestinians. She cannot forget the day she saw a soldier strike a small boy on the head, causing blood to spurt out.

And Sami, though ready to listen, has a long list of grievances from life under occupation to share with his Israeli counterparts.

In past years, says Ariel, discussions focused mainly on policy. "We just argued about the past and whether or not we want Jerusalem to be united." This year, "the new kids have personal experiences. I have experiences of my own."

Trying to win

In a nondescript one-room cabin, words – and allegations – fly.

Facilitator Marieke Van-woerkom had eased into the coexistence session with a rather vague question: "What does it take to have peace?"

But after a few predictable, detached responses – "Stop war," "End the bombs," "Both sides have to trust each other" – the campers switch gears to get at specific gripes, often using a "we-you" phrasing.

"We can't trust you," says one Israeli. "We gave you weapons in Oslo. Today, we see those weapons being used on us." And, he asks, why did Arafat reject Israel's offer at Camp David two years ago?

"It wasn't enough," responds a frustrated Palestinian. "We want our land, but also to be free in this land. We want borders like other countries. A government, like other countries."

"What – do you want us to build a government for you?" the Israeli shoots back.

"When you give us the land, you must trust us."

Saja objects when one Israeli refers to suicide bombers as terrorists. A fellow Palestinian likens them to messengers, delivering a message from a people who have no other resources.

"Do you think the message is being delivered in the way you want it delivered?" an Israeli girl wants to know.

After about 90 minutes, Ms. Vanwoerkom brings the session to a close with a final suggestion: "What I'd like for you to think about is, what it is inside of us that makes it so hard to truly listen and understand each other? You feel you're not being listened to, but where are you not listening?"

Ariel, in his third year, has seen campers doggedly stake out their own positions before: "They come to win." So did he, when he first arrived, a camper with right-wing politics and the view that the best solution was to remove all Arabs and "put them somewhere else."

"It changes," he says. "They face the reality and say, 'OK, we can't win. What next?' You realize understanding is the important part."

Still, even during this particular heated session, the teenagers have accomplished what many of their compatriots back home seem incapable of. They've carried on a debate without violence or, for the most part, raised voices.

Besides, reaching consensus is not really the goal. Vanwoerkom says she's wary of pushing campers too far, too fast. The "brick wall" they hit when they get back home will be that much harder – especially this year. "I'm trying to find that balance," she says, "between learning, development, growth – and going back home and being able to build on those lessons."

Facing challenges

Midway through camp, Adar finds her political foundations shaken.

She considers herself progressive, even pro-Palestinian.

But when Saja compares the Israeli occupation of Palestine to the Holocaust, Adar loses her composure. Her grandparents narrowly escaped Poland and Germany. Many of her relatives died in concentration camps.

"[Saja] said that from their point of view, we can just go back to Germany and Italy and stuff," says Adar angrily. "I myself would never go back to a place that put numbers on my grandparents' arms."

Still, she thinks carefully about how to teach as well as react, giving Saja a copy of "Anne Frank: The Diary of a Young Girl." "She's actually reading it," Adar says a few days later. "I feel that once she reads that book she'll have a much more wise understanding."

For Sami, facts have been the primary source of tension.

The Israelis in his coexistence session, he says, get them all wrong. "When I'm talking to [one Israeli settler], I'm counting on some facts that I know. When he changes the facts, I say I'm sure my facts are correct. He's changing my facts just to make it more difficult for me to talk!"

Like Saja, Sami in his session pressed the point that Israelis should leave Palestine. He remains baffled by the outburst his comment provoked.

"They got really crazy about it," the normally mild-mannered Palestinian says resentfully. "They said they were offended because some of them understood it as 'Go back to Hitler.' Others understood it as, 'I don't agree with the idea of a Jewish state.' "

Neither is true, Sami insists. What he wants is for Israelis to acknowledge they took land that wasn't theirs. Finally, he lets it drop. But the experience leaves a bad taste in his mouth. "At the beginning of camp, I had some more positive ideas about the people I was negotiating with. But now – some of [those opinions] have changed."

Final days

If the informal mingling of Israeli and Palestinian teens signals success, then camp this year could get high marks.

The camp's color games – three days of athletic competition – further erode national allegiances. The competition here is between blue and green, not Israel and Palestine.

"My team won!" says Saja brightly. She played baseball and canoed for the first time. Now she's running around like a senior before graduation, asking everyone she knows to write indelible-ink messages on her T-shirt.

Adar, meanwhile, eagerly recounts tales of the talent show, for which she coached a boys' bunkhouse in a ballet routine.

Now, with a teenager's bent for melodrama, she says she's heartbroken at the thought of leaving. "I'm going to hug a tree and carve myself into it," she sighs. She's already making plans to visit Nada, an Egyptian girl in her cabin, and says she's even forgiven Saja.

"We have the best bunk ever," Adar says firmly.

But all hasn't been perfect.

In the middle of color games, John Wallach, the camp's founder, died in New York.

"I didn't want to continue any more," says Ariel, who knew Wallach. "I was unable to think. But I realized the kids are looking up to me, and if I were to leave color games, they would do the same. [So] I kept on going."

Just days after Wallach's death, Dateline NBC runs an hour-long special about the camp, focusing on five teenagers from its first summer. One Israeli is now a right-wing settler, and a Palestinian he befriended at the timeis active in promoting nationalist causes. The other three also seem to have drifted a long way from the idealistic teenagers who shook hands with Bill Clinton and Yasser Arafat 10 years ago.

The camp may create an aura of hope, Dateline implies, but the dreams the teens walk away with will likely wither in the heat of the violence back home.

It's a charge the camp's leaders are familiar with. They accept that some campers will lose the lessons of peace.

Still, Bobbie Gottschalk, the camp's executive vice president, says she's heard from most of those original campers since Wallach's death. One, an Egyptian named Tamer Nagy, is this year's program coordinator. Koby Sadan, who attended Seeds of Peace in 1994 and '95 and just finished his three-year stint in the Israeli army, is also working as a counselor this summer.

Seeds of Peace now has more than 2,000 graduates, Ms. Gottschalk says. If just a few of them hang on to what they've learned – and eventually become leaders in their region – they could have a big impact.

"We're just trying to get people to think for themselves," she says. "And to care about people who are not like them. If we can expand the circle of their concern to go beyond people who are not exactly like them, then we've gone a long way toward building a citizen of the world."

Heading home

No one can say what makes the camp's message stick with one person and fizzle with another. All that's certain is that it will be tested back home, one reason the camp has created a year-round center in Jerusalem to continue work with former campers.

Saja is excited to have made Israeli friends. But she hesitates when asked what life will be like when she returns to Ramallah. "Here, I can do everything I want," she says. "But [in Palestine] I can't move.... To go to school from Ramallah to Jerusalem, I have to pass three checkpoints. When I stand there I think that I want to kill these soldiers, and I don't want peace with them."

Adar insists the bonds she has formed in three weeks, with Palestinians as well as Israelis, are stronger than those she's formed over three years back home. She still feels her country is "falling apart," but she takes heart from something Tim Wilson, the camp director, told her. "Tim [who is African-American] asked his father when segregation will end. And his father said, 'When this generation dies.' " She and her fellow campers, Adar hopes, will form a new generation.

Sami, however, finds it harder to imagine how Palestinians his age, pushed to a boiling point, might respond to a message of tolerance. "They're going to tell me, 'Can't you see what's happening? Aren't you living in this country? You still want peace after all you can see?' "

To a point, Sami shares their rage. He is furious when he thinks of Israeli tanks and guns overpowering unarmed Palestinians. Still, he has thought carefully about the situation. "There is no way but peace for Palestinians. The Israelis have power. They can manage with peace or without peace. We Palestinians have rocks. We have nothing. So, of course, I will keep trying."

A few days after he returns home to Jerusalem, Sami is already thinking about contacting the Israeli friends he made and visiting the Seeds of Peace center. Recent events have changed one plan, though: He no longer wants to attend Hebrew University, shattered last month by a cafeteria suicide bombing. The Technion, in Haifa, he reasons, is as good a school – and less of a potential target.

From what Ariel suggests, much of what Sami, Saja, Adar, and other new campers learned at Seeds of Peace this summer has yet to sink in. He has learned that the emotional highs campers take with them from Maine can quickly crash to devastating lows. Only then can they begin to decide whether what they experienced was illusion or truth. "The experience is different [for each one]," says Ariel. "Camp is a bubble."

Ariel, who toyed with the idea of vengeance after the suicide bombing he saw in December, is now firm in his own path.

"I got to a conclusion that we have no other way [but to work for peace]," he says. "We can do this. We can't do anything else."

Christian Science Monitor

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Letter from a survivor

Victoria Blint
August 11, 2002

Jerusalem -- On the day of the bombing, my friend Julia and I arrived at Hebrew University around 12:45 p.m., said hello to friends in the student forum and walked to the Frank Sinatra cafeteria to buy sandwiches. On our way out, we ran into one of my professors. He jokingly reminded me that I still owe him a paper from the fall semester. We walked across the plaza, down the steps and through the pedestrian tunnel that connects the outside courtyard and the cafeteria to the Boyar Building.

Janis Coulter

I went upstairs to pick up a registration form for my Hebrew exam, then went looking for Janis Coulter, assistant director of academic affairs for the Rothberg International School. She worked at the university's New York office and had arrived in Israel the day before to greet new students and meet with colleagues. My friend Daniel had sent Janis a package of lecture notes and tapes, which she had agreed to bring to me. We met at 1:15, exchanged phone numbers and planned to meet again after my 5 p.m. exam. It was the first time Janis and I had met -- and it turned out to be only 15 minutes before she was killed.

I went to the third-floor foyer, a large open area with seats. A few minutes later, as I sat eating my sandwich and reviewing for my Hebrew exam, I watched Janis walk out of the building on her way to lunch. Marla Bennett walked with a friend out the same door. Julia pointed out Ben Blutstein, someone she knew from Pardes (Institute of Jewish Studies), as he walked out, playing his drum as he strolled off to eat lunch at Frank Sinatra.

Suddenly, a tremendous boom rocked the building. A huge roar seemed to come from the general direction of the cafeteria. Everything continued as normal for the next few minutes, and nobody seemed to pay much attention to the explosion. Then it all changed. Slowly, people began running into Boyar, screaming and crying. A woman came through the entrance with her hair singed and her arm burned by the blast. I will never forget the smell of her burned hair.

She sat down next to an Asian man, who had blood on his back. I asked if he was hurt and needed help. He answered in Hebrew that he couldn't hear me. The blast was so loud he couldn't hear anything.

The next hour is a blur. We crowded together in the lobby and on the stairs,

watching out the window, as the campus became engulfed in a sea of police officers, soldiers and emergency officials dressed in orange and yellow vests. There was a crowd of people on the bridge in front of the law school, so at first I thought the explosion had taken place there. Someone else said he saw the bomb go off in the parking lot. As I walked toward the third floor exit, a woman was laid on a stretcher, her clothes drenched with blood from her head to her waist. I started to cry and had to turn away.

The staff of the overseas school gathered students in the auditorium, making announcements in several languages that the phones would be open to call family abroad. I called Janis' cell phone right after the bombing and then again in the evening, leaving two messages, asking her to please call and let me know that she was OK. She never returned the call.

A few friends and I left the university around 3:30. I spent the rest of the afternoon answering phone calls, assuring everyone that I was OK. I finally reached the professor I'd bumped into on my way out of the cafeteria. He was walking out of the cafeteria when the bomb went off. Thankfully, he was not injured.

Julia and I needed to get some fresh air and went for a walk in the park around 7. Gan Sacher Park was full of families picnicking and barbecuing. There were several soccer games going on, kids riding their bikes, people having fun. It was as if they lived in another world and had no sense of what had just happened. Or perhaps they knew too well and had made a point of getting on with their lives.

A few friends gathered at my apartment for dinner later. As we ate, Julia got a phone call from a friend named Michael Simon, saying that his girlfriend,

Marla, was not on any of the hospital lists. The following morning, Marla Bennett's body was identified. She was from San Diego and only 24. Ben Blutstein's name was also listed among those killed.

The next afternoon, Julia and I went to Pardes so she could pay her condolences to Michael, a friend and Dorot fellow. A group of teachers, staff and students was standing in the common area, talking quietly, hugging and just being with each other.

As soon as I saw Michael, it suddenly occurred to me who Marla was. I hadn't put the names and faces together. Both Michael and Marla were in a couple of my classes, and I saw them occasionally at Shabbat dinners, at Merkaz Hamagshimim and other social events. Marla was a friendly, outgoing girl, full of life and energy. I can see clearly an image of her face -- her sweet smile and warm eyes.

Until the attack at the university, the bombing at Rehavia's Cafe Moment in March had been the most difficult attack to digest. It struck right in the heart of my neighborhood, two blocks from my apartment. Those killed were mostly young Israelis, but I was lucky not to have had any friends injured or killed. This time, I knew two who were killed and several of those injured. I had never considered the possibility of a terrorist attack at the university. Like many others, I considered it off-limits. I now realize that there are no boundaries or rules in this game of violence and terror.

I ran into one of my professors this morning who asked: "Why are you still here? Why don't you go back to your home in America?"

"Because my home is here," I said as I pointed to my apartment building down the block. "I made Aliyah and chose to live my life here. I am staying here, and not going anywhere."

As Israel continues to suffer through these difficult times, I will endure the strain as well. There's no doubt that the road ahead will be bumpy. But in my heart, I know that the struggle must eventually come to an end. I want to be here to smell peace when it comes.

Victoria Blint, a former Bay Area resident,
is studying at Hebrew University in Jerusalem.
This article is excerpted from a recent e-mail
she sent her family and friends.

San Francisco Chronicle

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Bare faced resistance

Natasha Walter reports from Kabul on what the future
holds for the women of Afghanistan

The Guardian, July 20, 2002

The students are crammed on to the benches in the cavernous lecture hall of Kabul University's science faculty. Four hundred eager faces stare down at us, and 150 of them are female. A few rows from the front sits a young woman wearing a white lace scarf tucked tightly around her rosy face. Her name is Zohal Faiz Mohammed. She shakes her head, smiling, when I ask how she feels to be back at university after five years' absence. "I can't say my feelings - you can see. For the first time we can experience the university, this atmosphere. We can all study, boys and girls together."

That evening, Zohal invites us to have supper with her and her parents. They live in what is, by Kabul's standards, a comfortable neighbourhood, but that still means a chaotic stretch of apartment blocks with blown-out windows and walls riddled with bullet holes. While Zohal prepares the meal, we sit on cushions on the floor of the pink sitting room, talking to her parents. Suddenly Zohal rushes in, worried that we are bored, and shows off one of her most precious possessions, a video of songs from Indian films. "My father and I love these," she says eagerly.

She watches the gorgeous Aishwarya Rai dancing in a Technicolor field of dreams. "Isn't she beautiful?" As she watches the video, Zohal, in jeans and a white shirt with the sleeves rolled up, her thick black hair in a ponytail, looks younger than her 22 years.

She is determined to be young, determined to be happy, determined not to talk about politics - instead, we talk about her errant fiance and her plans for the future. After dinner, she, her mother and her cousin squabble over the arrangements for the photographs. "Don't fight!" Zohal says. "All right, do fight." "I'll be Rabbani and you can be Hekmatyar," says the photographer. Peals of laughter ring out. Those are the names of the men whose armies laid Kabul waste in the 1990s. "All you can do sometimes is laugh," says her mother, wiping her eyes with a corner of her scarf.

As we talk over dinner, I can't help thinking that Zohal's happiness feels like the uncomplicated optimism of any young woman at the start of her life. But Afghan women are not like other women, and when they sound optimistic, this is an act of determined bravery. On another day, when Zohal and I meet for tea, she talks about the past. Her face changes, loses its pink glow, and she fumbles with her fingers.

Her comfortable childhood came under siege in 1992, after the Soviet-backed regime fell and mujaheddin armies - armed by the west - battled for control of Kabul, street by street. "I remember every night, sitting in the corner of the room, listening to the rockets and the bombs," says Zohal in a dull tone very different from her earlier quick chatter. "And every morning we would go out and help to collect the dead bodies. There was nothing to think about. We were just waiting for our death. We had no hope for the future, not even for our lives."

Zohal's family were forced out of their home more than once when the fighting concentrated around their area. They became refugees again when they fled from the extreme oppression of the Taliban, and spent two years in Pakistan, but the destitution that faced so many Afghans there forced them back to Kabul last year. They went on the move again to the Pakistani border during the US bombing last winter. Refugees three times - from the mujaheddin, the Taliban and the Americans - Zohal's family are now starting over, trying to put their lives back together out of the fragments they have left.

But Zohal's face is set towards the future. She wants to be an engineer, studies at the university in the morning, and takes English and computing classes in the afternoon. Since today is a holiday, we visit one of Kabul's newly opened beauty salons. Marya salon sits next to a restaurant where lamb kebabs are seared over open barbecues, and beside a music stall that is stacked with colourful Indian and Iranian cassettes. But even here, in this reawakened part of Kabul, if you stop on the street for a moment, the beggars, women and children, tug at your arms and hands.

Inside the salon, the air is thick with hairspray and scent, and Fazila, the owner, a stout woman in a black dress with neatly styled auburn hair, is getting through one client after another with astonishing speed. She and her two young daughters work like an assembly line. Curlers are whipped out and in, tweezers tug at eyebrows, kohl is rubbed on to eyelids. Shaima and Suheila, two sisters, both doctors, are waiting on Fazila's couches. Both have their hair pinned up under hairnets. Tomorrow is Shaima's wedding day and they are determined to do it in high Afghan style, all glittery dresses and curled hair and hennaed hands.

"When she had her engagement ceremony," Suheila explains, "we couldn't take photographs - though we did, secretly. We couldn't even have musicians." What would the Taliban have done if you had invited musicians? Suheila draws a finger across her throat. "But I played a cassette, quietly, and I danced - I was determined to dance." She is about to tell me more when a little boy runs in. The girls at home need more curlers. Suheila springs to her feet and picks up her burka. "Don't you want to know why I still wear this?" she asks. She stands silhouetted in the bright doorway, holding the swathe of blue nylon above her face.

The western press has made so much of the idea that, as the Taliban left Kabul, the liberated women threw off their blue shrouds. But in Kabul, almost all the young women are still wearing the burka. This is not through force of tradition. There was a custom of wearing the burka among some ethnic groups in Afghanistan, but not among educated women in the cities. I asked 20 or 30 women why they were still wearing it, and all gave the same answer. Fear.

"We aren't safe yet," says Suheila succinctly. This sense of insecurity is understandable. The mujaheddin and the Taliban weren't just a few maniacs who have now disappeared, but hundreds and thousands of "willing executioners" - men who gang-raped women as part of their wars, as the mujaheddin did, or who beat women savagely for showing their faces, as the Taliban did. These men have not gone away, and although in Kabul they are kept quiet by the presence of the international security force, if that departs, many women fear that the violence will start again.

"Of course, the burka was not the worst thing about the Taliban time," Suheila emphasises. "But until we are safe, we can't take it off." Even now, reports of politically and religiously motivated violence against women continue. Human Rights Watch has documented rapes and assaults against certain ethnic groups in northern Afghanistan. Female aid workers have even been withdrawn from Mazar-i-Sharif after one was gang-raped. In Kabul a month ago, two women wearing scarves instead of burkas had acid sprayed in their faces. So, for the women of Afghanistan, the anonymity of the burka still gives them a sense of protection. Zohal, who also wears the burka when she goes out, agrees with Suheila.

"Of course we would like to take it off," she says, "but it just isn't possible yet."

Some of the women who have taken off the burka are those now moving into politics. My visit coincides with the start of the loya jirga, the gathering of a council of 1,500 delegates who are to decide the structure of the future government. Nearly 200 are women. I visit the council offices, where dozens of Afghan men circle the courtyard, talking eagerly. Out on the parched grass is a tent, and inside the stifling tent sit 15 women, newly arrived delegates from western provinces of the country.

A woman in her early 30s, also called Zohal, talks enthusiastically about what this means to her. Her two-year-old daughter, silently playing with a wilted pink rose, sits on her lap as she talks. "The doors of everything have been closed to women for so long," she says. "Now we hope that the doors are swinging open. This loya jirga is only a first step, but in the future parliament there must be equal representation for women and for men."

Mindful that even in western countries women haven't achieved such representation, I ask the other women in the tent if they feel the same. There is an eruption of noise. "Yes, they all agree," my tr